TEHRAN – In his September 21, 2021 address to the United Nations General Assembly, US President Joe Biden remarkably asserted that for the first time in two decades the United States was “not at war” and proposed a new era of diplomacy and partnerships to address perceived threats and end the rigorous use of military force.
Biden also explicitly stated that the United States is not looking for “a new cold war” or a world divided into blocks. It is a fact that the United States has finally ended the nearly 20-year occupation of Afghanistan and the gravy train it has supported for the military-industrial complex, which, according to Brown University Costs of War Project, failed to achieve any of its stated goals at a sickening and shameful price of a quarter of a million lives, millions of refugees and $ 2.3 trillion.
However, at present, the 2001 Use of Military Force Authorization (AUMF) as well as the 2002 AUMF remain in effect, and with the genocidal war authorized by the United States against Yemen that still raging, the recent US bombing of Somalia, thousands of US troops still occupying Iraq and Syria, the ongoing US military engagement in Niger and the maintenance of more than 800 US military bases abroad, l he claim that the United States is no longer at war is deeply problematic. The same is true of Biden’s claims that the United States is embracing a new era of diplomacy and not seeking a new Cold War or a global division of rigid blocs. In light of the manifest strategic “pivot to Asia” and the blatant and continued efforts of the United States to generate Cold War 2.0, most recently advanced by the AUKUS nuclear submarine deal, Biden’s words ring hollow. It is certainly not the first time that an American president has tried to attract the attention of the international community in a speech at the United Nations, and it probably will not be the last.
In fact, despite the continued slaughter of civilians by the US military – most recently in the drone strike that killed aid worker Zamarai Ahmadi, two parents and seven children in his family in Kabul – and the desperate attempt by states – United to secure “the horizon” of bombing capabilities to ensure its ability to massacre even more innocent Afghans, the current withdrawal of the United States from Western Asia, completed without glory in Afghanistan and soon followed by Iraq and Syria, bodes well for peace and stability in the region.
As expected, a dramatic increase in regional diplomatic activity and initiatives pursuing cooperation and dialogue, and a corresponding decrease in inflammatory and threatening official statements and actions by U.S. allies in the Persian Gulf have followed the withdrawal of the United States. US Army. Regardless of whether this new diplomatic trajectory is linked in part to the US decision to withdraw the Patriot and THAAD anti-missile batteries from the coastal Arab states, these are positive developments for Iran and its neighbors. The slap in the face of the imperial arrogance delivered by the IRGC at al-Asad air base in response to the cowardly and criminal assassination of General Soleimani, Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, and their colleagues is followed by the expulsion bride from the American military forces in West Asia. Securing regional peace and stability will be the most appropriate revenge against a perpetually hawkish empire and its death economy.
And yet, despite President Biden’s rhetoric at the United Nations, the American Empire, guided by Washington’s bipartisan consensus for eternal conflict, belligerency and the “defense” sector based on public debt and personal profit will continue. on autopilot to pivot to Asia. , and therefore to subsequent bankruptcy and dissolution. What President Biden means when he declares that the United States does not seek a new cold war and favors diplomacy for the future is that the world community must recognize that the United States under his leadership is âBackâ and align with the so-called ârules-based orderâ (not to be confused with international law or UN Security Council resolutions) which only serves hegemonic US interests and those of his henchmen like apartheid Israel.
While Chinese diplomats have pointed out with precision and force that the United States is not in a position of power to dictate to China, the combined afflictions of American exception and greed are driving American sociopathic political elites to interpret this as another profitable opportunity to pursue total dominance of the spectrum. .
In the short term, the United States will redouble its efforts on hybrid warfare, and in particular economic sanctions directed against China, Russia, Iran, Venezuela, Cuba, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen and any other country that opposes US unilateralism, dollar supremacy and / or global hegemony. At the same time, the United States will continue to increase its already absurd level of “defense” spending (currently in total more than the next eleven largest national military budgets combined) by printing even more dollars, pushing the national debt – now close. $ 29 trillion – to new highs as military contractors continue to feed at a watering hole allegedly paid for by future generations.
In the long run, America’s reliance on unnecessary military spending and economic sanctions in pursuit of global hegemony will have three interrelated consequences: The dollar’s sharp decline as the world’s reserve currency as a growing number of nations create viable alternatives to the dollar and SWIFT, domestic hyperinflation and the possible bankruptcy of the US economy. Printing trillions of dollars to support foreign wars and occupations will no longer be viable. Without a dramatic course correction, this result can be illustrated with mathematical certainty. Simply put, the myopic and haughty pivot to Asia will ultimately be a welcome pivot of irrelevance to the American Empire.
David N. Yaghoubian is professor of history at California State University San Bernardino. His research interests include modern Iran, Iran and the United States, the Arab-Israeli conflict, and oil policy. He has published various scholarly works in these fields, including “Struggle and Survival in the Modern Middle East”.